Is DPJ really opposed to LDP politics?

"Voters are asked to choose a government. It's a manifesto election." This is what mass media are saying about the coming election, thus focusing on the "LDP-DPJ showdown". Who is the author of this scenario, and for what purpose? A look at the DPJ-LP merger into the new DPJ, and what is described as the "power struggle", gives us a snapshot of a "political map" in the coming election.

Starting with DPJ-LP merger agreement

"The most urgent task is not to replace the LDP presidency but to entirely change the government to replace the ruling parties and the prime minister. With that in mind, the DPJ and the Liberal Party determined to leave aside minor differences for the sake of greater common interests and agreed to merge."(Translation by DPJ).

The slogan "Let us choose a viable alternative government" started with the sudden merger agreement between the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) and the Liberal Party (LP) announced on July 23, 2003.

Since last year, a merger plan had been repeatedly floated. Due to opposition within the DPJ, however, merger advocate Hatoyama Yukio had to resign from his post as the DPJ leader last December. Another round of merger talks engineered by Kan Naoto, the present DPJ leader, was also taken back to the drawing boards in May. Then, all of a sudden, the merger agreement arrived on the scene. What on earth going on here?

"They may have understood that the DPJ alone can't do anything. Someone says that the DPJ surveyed its strength in all constituencies and was stunned at the miserable result."

One of the main players, Ozawa Ichiro, former LP leader, said this in an interview in the October issue of the monthly political magazine "Seikai", titled, "New DPJ is shooting a change of power - Ozawa now discloses on the merger shattering untold stories." Actually, there are more reasons for this merger.

DPJ-LP merger will 'satisfy' business circles

"Seikai"'s interviewer asked Ozawa, "The Japan Business Federation (Keidanren) was reportedly anxious about the DPJ led by Kan and Hatoyama organizing a cabinet. If Ozawa joins the DPJ resulting in a new party as part of a two-party system, it will satisfy Keidanren. Wasn't this a Keidanren prediction?"

Ozawa answered:

"Business circles feel that the Democratic Party has a large organization, but still lacks confidence in getting power. As for the Liberal Party, it has a sound policy line, but is still tiny and left behind in political power. Therefore, both parties should merge in order to complement each other's strengths."

The same story was told by Kan Naoto, DPJ representative, in an interview carried in the November 2003 issue of the monthly magazine "Boss".

Editor-in-chief Hariki Yasuo of "Boss" questioned Kan: "Hata Tsutomu (chief adviser to the DPJ, former prime minister-ed.) precisely knew how influential and uncomfortable Ozawa was. Please mention why Mr. Hata was so vigorously working for the DPJ-LP merger?"

Kan replied:

"It's true that some around Mr. Hata are not comfortable with Ozawa. However, in the light of our cause for a change of government, we should not focus on such small things. Unfortunately, the DPJ failed to gain the trust of business circles. If, however, we shake hands with Ozawa and his Liberal Party, it will give us more of a possibility to come to power. The issue now for the DPJ is not dealing with trifles, but making an overall change, this is what Mr. Hata has always insisted."

Kan meant that if the DPJ combines with the LP, it will present enough conditions to gain business circles' support. According to Hata, Kan revealed that he is sharing views with Ozawa to promote themselves.

Business circles' role in the merger operations

How were business circles involved in the DPJ-LP merger aimed at establishing a "two-party system"?

On July 16, a week before an agreement on the merger was reached between the DPJ and the Liberal Party, Kan Naoto and other DPJ leaders held talks with President Okuda Hiroshi of the Japan Business Federation (Nippon Keidanren).

Okuda made the following request to the DPJ: "There aren't significant differences between the DPJ and the LDP in terms of policy, so I cannot imagine failing to institute a two-party system. We want the DPJ to show that it can make a difference, by selling a plan which cannot be done by the LDP." (Keidanren website)

Kan answered, "The DPJ can make a difference by carrying out its promise, which the LDP can't. I would like to have a Keidanren stake in the DPJ."

Following the Keidanren explanation of its guidelines on buying political influence through political donations, that donations will be made in due proportion to the benefits of parties' policies to Keidanren, DPJ Secretary General Okada Katsuya said, "Taking into account only the policies realized will be advantageous to the government parties. We want attitudes toward political reform and change of government to be included in the standards." (Jiji Press)

Keidanren on January 1 published a proposal entitled "For a Japan full of vitality and magnetism." ("Okuda vision")

The proposal stated that opposition parties should become more than mere critics of the government and the ruling parties and have the ability to replace the government at any time by winning the people's trust. It calls on opposition parties to define their basic policies and propose realistic alternatives. Keidanren President Okuda's request made in his talks with the DPJ stemmed from this concept, and the DPJ response neatly fit in with that call.

On July 18, two days after the DPJ-Keidanren talks, the Japanese Association of Corporate Executives (Keizaidoyukai), another business organization, in its summer seminar in Karuizawa adopted an appeal calling for a general election over manifesto election platforms. In no time the appeal was handed to Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichiro and DPJ leader Kan Naoto.

Keizaidoyukai on October 22, 2002 published a proposal calling for the prime minister's leadership to be established and policy based politics to be achieved. The proposal called on political parties to compete in an election over their manifest platforms as a process toward realizing policy-based politics. Since then, Keizaidoyukai has called on opposition parties to become partners in a two-party system in which the government parties and the biggest opposition parties will contest over manifest platforms in order to take control of the government.

Inamori Kazuo, president emeritus of Kyocera Corporation, had a hand in the DPJ-LP merger.

In the above-mentioned magazine interview, Ozawa Ichiro, asked about the report that Inamori backed up the DPJ-LP merger, answered as follows:

"Mr. Inamori for a long time has eagerly advised me to merge with the DPJ. He told me to suppress my complaints on many points. I said to him that I understand his points well and that I will put up with anything to achieve a change of government."

It was Inamori who made a speech as a guest to the DPJ gathering held for its great advance. It was in Tokyo on July 1, not long before the DPJ-LP merger. Inamori said that he wished the DPJ to mature into a sound opposition party that can take the reign of government, and called on the DPJ to merge for the sake of the Japanese people.

On hearing this speech, Hatoyama Yukio, former DPJ representative said to Inamori, "I want you to arrange a meeting to realize a merger with the LP." (Monthly "Political world", October issue)

How is new DPJ different from former DPJ?

Following the merger with the Liberal Party, the new Democratic Party of Japan has set sail for a two-party system capable of a change of government to meet the expectation of business circles. The DPJ is different from what it was not only because it has become bigger, as Ozawa said, but because it has earned the trust of business circles.

The LDP and business circles have two major plans as part of their strategy for the 21st century: a consumption tax rate increase and an adverse revision of the Constitution. Far from opposing these two plans, the new DPJ was the first opposition party to propose the consumption tax increase, acting as a supporter of the governing parties.

The "manifesto" which the new DPJ announced on October 5 includes the following policies it promises to carry out if it takes power:

- Establish a new pension system that funds the basic pension through the consumption tax.

- Develop the Constitution discussions to create a new one instead of regarding it as a code of conduct that will remain in effect forever.

These two points did not exist in the initial draft of the DPJ "manifesto" when it was drafted on September 18. Keizaidoyukai commended the DPJ effort and requested that the DPJ position on the questions of the Constitution and pension be made clearer, alleging that the DPJ platform does not present a clear vision of a future state and a system for policies.

The final draft announced on October 5 was adjusted to meet Keizaidoyukai's requests. Keidanren President Okuda Hiroshi, an advocate of an 18-percent consumption tax, promptly expressed his agreement with the draft on October 6. Kitashiro Kakutaro, Keizaidoyukai chariman, also appreciated the platform, stating, "Keizaidoyukai has proposed that the basic pension component be funded by taxes, which is apparently close to our policy. Keizaidoyukai agrees with the DPJ's proposal for using the consumption tax for pension funds." (October 7, JACE website)

'Two major-party system' aims at ousting other opposition parties from Diet

The new Democratic Party not only has abandoned its position as an opposition party; it has stopped facing up to the undemocratic policies imposed by the LDP government and the business circles. Its "manifesto" calls for the number of House of Representatives proportional representation seats to be reduced by 80. This is a major adverse revision of the election system that excludes minor opposition parties in order to fortify the two-party system.

DPJ President Kan recently said, "If a change of political power takes place as a result of the next general election, it will be the advent of Japan's 'two-party system'."

The DPJ has long maintained that the number of Lower House proportional representation seats be reduced and this is the first time for the DPJ to propose legislation to that effect as part of its immediate political reform program.

In 1999 and 2000, the DPJ joined together with the JCP in opposing the bill submitted by the governing Liberal Democratic and Komei parties to cut the number of the House of Representatives proportional representation seats by 20. Hata Tsutomu, DPJ secretary general at the time, made it clear that a change in the election system concerns parliamentary composition and that his party cannot endorse the governing parties' plan.

The DPJ's 80-seat cut plan is tantamount to not only suppressing the parliamentary minority, but precludes the Diet from reflecting extraparliamentary public opinions. Insisting that its seat cut proposal is conducive to the establishment of a two-party system, the DPJ has included it in its seven major policies to be "carried out without fail" when it comes to power.

This adverse change in the election system has consistently been called for by business circles. In October last year, Keizaidoyukai proposed introducing a single-seat constituency system for all Diet seats.

This is the scenario for a "choice between LDP government and DPJ government" written and produced by business circles with the aim of imposing a consumption tax rate increase, the elimination of the war-renouncing Article 9 of the Constitution to enable Japan to send the Self-Defense Forces, and other undemocratic policies on the Japanese people. It is nothing but a false "confrontation". (end)