September 1, 2011
The 220-day ordinary session of the Diet came to an end on August 31. In the face of the 3.11 disaster and the on-going Fukushima crisis, how political parties operate was called into question. Let’s take a brief look at the ruling Democratic Party and the largest opposition Liberal Democratic Party during the session.
DPJ
The DPJ-led government fell way behind in rescue and relief actions as well as in implementing reconstruction policies. Although the government had to deal with a host of post-disaster issues, it was distracted by political games with the previous ruling parties. Going back to old-LDP politics, the DPJ steered itself in the direction toward an increase in the consumption tax, the continuation of nuclear energy dependence, and the relocation of the U.S. Futenma base to Okinawa’s Nago City.
Giving in to the LDP and the Komei, the DPJ agreed to abolish the child allowance program. The program was a centerpiece of the DPJ election manifesto with which the party came to power two years ago. The DPJ, however, sacrificed the program in return for the smooth enactment of a bill to issue deficit-covering bonds, ostensibly for securing reconstruction funds while giving large corporations and large asset holders two trillion yen in tax breaks.
LDP
The LDP was eager to drive the DPJ to give up its key child allowance program and accept a consumption tax hike. Without mentioning its own responsibility for having promoted the nuclear “safety myth” and constructing so many nuclear power plants in Japan, the LDP requested that the DPJ government swiftly resume operations at the off-line reactors.
On top of it, the LDP caused a fuss by submitting a non-confidence motion against the Kan Cabinet. In the expectation that some DPJ legislators who were discontent with the present DPJ leadership would come around to the motion, the LDP orchestrated the passage of the non-confidence motion. The party absorbed in the political maneuvering in complete disregard of disaster sufferers.
DPJ
The DPJ-led government fell way behind in rescue and relief actions as well as in implementing reconstruction policies. Although the government had to deal with a host of post-disaster issues, it was distracted by political games with the previous ruling parties. Going back to old-LDP politics, the DPJ steered itself in the direction toward an increase in the consumption tax, the continuation of nuclear energy dependence, and the relocation of the U.S. Futenma base to Okinawa’s Nago City.
Giving in to the LDP and the Komei, the DPJ agreed to abolish the child allowance program. The program was a centerpiece of the DPJ election manifesto with which the party came to power two years ago. The DPJ, however, sacrificed the program in return for the smooth enactment of a bill to issue deficit-covering bonds, ostensibly for securing reconstruction funds while giving large corporations and large asset holders two trillion yen in tax breaks.
LDP
The LDP was eager to drive the DPJ to give up its key child allowance program and accept a consumption tax hike. Without mentioning its own responsibility for having promoted the nuclear “safety myth” and constructing so many nuclear power plants in Japan, the LDP requested that the DPJ government swiftly resume operations at the off-line reactors.
On top of it, the LDP caused a fuss by submitting a non-confidence motion against the Kan Cabinet. In the expectation that some DPJ legislators who were discontent with the present DPJ leadership would come around to the motion, the LDP orchestrated the passage of the non-confidence motion. The party absorbed in the political maneuvering in complete disregard of disaster sufferers.
