January 20, 22 & 23, 2015

Abe Shinzo is a person who has no hesitation in proclaiming that he will change postwar Japan’s Constitution and in glorifying prewar Japan’s aggression and colonial rule over Asian countries. What motivates him to stick by such a point of view?

The current prime minister of Japan, Abe, mentions that he was greatly influenced by his grandfather. In a book he coauthored in October 1996, he admitted this and stated that his grandfather had lived during the “glory days” when Japan was making dramatic strides before WWII.

The term “glory days” here refers to the period when Japan was plunging headlong into its war of aggression. One of the leading war advocates at that time was his grandfather, Kishi Nobusuke.

In October 1941, Kishi took office as Commerce Minister under the Cabinet of Tojo Hideki who was excuted as a war criminal by the Allied Powers after the war. In December 1941, Japan started the Asia Pacific War. Kishi promoted the war by stressing the need to strengthen readiness in the fields of the economy and commerce for an all-out battle. He then became the Vice Minister of Munitions which was established to increase the production of military aircraft and equipment to fight against the United States.

Japan was defeated in war in August 1945 and accepted the Potsdam Declaration. The following month, Kishi was arrested as a Class-A war criminal. Kishi while in detention wrote down some notes in which he said he could not stand watching the “Greater East Asia War (the Pacific War)” being regarded as Japan’s aggression.

After spending three years in prison, Kishi was set free. The U.S. administration changed its policy toward Japan, backing off from the pursuit of Japan’s war responsibility and trying to preserve a group of anti-communist war criminals inside Japan. Kishi made his comeback with the help of his network of connections he had maintained since his “glory days”. These associates supported Kishi when he was still in prison.

Shiina Etsusaburo consistently worked for Kishi before and during the war. He later became the chief cabinet secretary under the Kishi Cabinet. Shiina wrote the Allied General Headquarters (GHQ) letters asking for Kishi’s release when Kishi was still in custody.

Fujiyama Aiichiro, who later became the foreign minister under the Kishi Cabinet, provided help to Kishi under wartime economic control as the head of Japan’s Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Fujiyama arranged for Kishi to assume a key post in several corporations including Mitsubishi Rayon Co., Ltd. and Oji Holdings Corporation.

In April 1953, Kishi returned to the political arena. Within the same year, he became the leader of the constitution research council established under the Liberal Party, one of the LDP’s predecessors. Thus, he took the lead in debate on constitutional revision.

He then became Japan’s prime minister in 1957. When he assumed office, he already intended to change the Constitution. According to a record of his testimonies, he at that time said, “The present Constitution is inappropriate and should be revised.”

Watanabe Osamu, professor emeritus of Hitotsubashi University, expounded that what Kishi was looking for was a revival of the Empire of Japan. “To that end, Kishi wanted the Constitution to be amended,” Watanabe commented.

In fact, Kishi made requests for secret funds to be provided by the CIA to counter the Japanese Communist Party and to enable him to change the Constitution.

In revising the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty in 1960, Kishi played a leading role. Because of this, he met fierce nationwide opposition and finally had to resign his position as prime minister.

Abe Shinzo, looking back on his grandfather’s legacy, says he feels regret that his grandfather “exhausted all his energy into working for the revision of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and could not move on to constitutional revision” (Collection of Abe Shinzo Dialogues). In accordance with his grandfather’s desire, Abe came to believe that his mission in life is to complete the unfinished work of his grandfather.

The Hitotsubashi University professor emeritus pointed out, “For Abe Shinzo, Kishi Nobusuke as a politician who experienced the ‘glory days’ of the Empire of Japan and who aspired for that revival is the ‘compass’ directing his grandson on the political course to follow.”

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In December last year, a memorial event took place in Tokyo to commemorate the so-called “seven martyrs for the country”, Class-A war criminals including Tojo Hideki, who was executed as a result of the Tokyo Tribunal. Critic Kase Hideaki on behalf of the event organizers said, “The aim of the Tokyo Trial was to commit murder under the guise of legality.” The Japan Conference (Nippon Kaigi), the most powerful rightist organization in Japan, played a leading role in holding this anachronistic event.

Of the 19 ministers of the third Abe Cabinet, 80% are members of a parliamentarians’ group affiliated to the Japan Conference. Prime Minister Abe himself serves as a special advisor to the group.

Nakakita Koji, political science professor at Hitotsubashi University, pointed out that the membership of the Liberal Democratic Party has been declining since peaking in 1991. He said that the LDP has become more willing to display its conservative ideology and work to develop relationships with right-wing organizations with the aim to obtaining more supporters.

The Japan Conference was established in 1997, after the merger of two nationalist organizations, the National Conference to Defend Japan consisting of academics and intellectuals and the Association to Defend Japan composed of religious organizations, such as the Association of Shinto Shrines which boasts a strong financial base and a firm support base.

Professor Emeritus of Hitotsubashi University Watanabe Osamu said that past rightist groups had little influence on politics. The Japan Conference, however, organizes many Dietmembers of the ruling LDP and exercises substantial influence on the Diet on issues regarding the rules on selecting the Emperor’s successor and the rights of foreign nationals living in Japan, he said. Watanabe stated that it is extremely unusual for the right-wing private organization to be allowed to be in a position to influence the formation of government policies through its connection with like-minded politicians.

Nakakita said, “The general public pays little heed to the Japan Conference’s hawkish arguments. That is the biggest dilemma of the Abe Cabinet in seeking to implement a reactionary revision to the Constitution.”